Political discussion and ranting, premised upon the fact that even a stopped clock is right twice a day.
Tuesday, July 15, 2014
Obamacare Works, Period
Salam did suggest that the only reason Obamacare is working is because it is subsidized. In a sense that's true, as it is the subsidies that help create the volume of enrollees necessary to create the large risk pools that allow the program to work, enrolling all applicants without regard to preexisting conditions. But outside of that narrow context, Salam is wrong. As somebody who has purchased a PPACA policy without a subsidy, I can attest that I was able to choose and enjoy a policy that provides coverage superior to anything I was able to purchase as an individual consumer prior to the Act's effective date, and that the price of the policy was reasonable even without a subsidy. The manner in which the PPACA's policies are priced for dependents allowed me to obtain coverage comparable to that which I had previously received through COBRA but at a lower price.
Although the pre-PPACA policy I had purchased to cover the period between the expiration of my COBRA eligibility and January 1, 2014, cost less than my PPACA-compliant policy, it also offered far less. I also didn't have to try to remember years of detailed medical information which the insurance company could use to find pretextual reasons to increase my rates or deny care. I recognize that many Republicans, perhaps including Salam, believe that having inadequate health insurance coverage is a feature, not a bug, forcing people to pay a greater portion or all of the cost of certain basic care, mental health care, addiction treatment and the like, and that the ideal health insurance policy involves a HSA and only catastrophic insurance coverage, I would have a greater appreciation for that argument if an appreciable number of its advocates were willing to walk the walk -- legislate or contract away their own health insurance benefits for the inadequate coverage they wish to foist off on the rest of the country.
Salam suggested that there is inequity in having a multi-tiered health insurance system, with Medicare being less attractive than PPACA plans, which he asserted are less attractive than employer-sponsored plans. It's important to note that I've seen employer-sponsored plans that are far less attractive than most plans available under the PPACA, and the plan I purchased was quite comparable to the employer-sponsored plan I had been continuing through COBRA, so I don't find his argument of inequity between employer-sponsored plans and PPACA plans to be particularly compelling. As for Medicare offering less than private health insurance, I see no evidence that the Republican Party at large views that as a problem that needs to be fixed. A party whose governors have largely chosen to grandstand, harming their states and large numbers of their constituents by refusing to expand Medicaid. Inequities exist, but it's not clear that we should prioritize their elimination over other healthcare reforms, or even that the people want inequities removed as opposed to the establishment of a reasonable minimum for what health insurance plans must offer.
Typical Republican alternatives to the PPACA have involved either throwing everybody into the individual market, with low-coverage catastrophic insurance and HSAs, or a voucher system where (if you qualify) you get a voucher or tax credit with which you are to pay for your insurance and fund your uninsured care. Those proposals bring back some of the worst aspects of the former system, at best foisting those previously deemed uninsurable or who would face staggering insurance costs due to pre-existing conditions into government programs -- after all, why should we expect health insurance companies insure sick people when that cost can be borne by the taxpayer? To the extent that the Republicans attempt to bridge the gap between the Gingrich-style plans and the PPACA, including large risk pools and exchanges, but most notably preventing insurance companies from raising premiums for people with pre-existing conditions, the more necessary it becomes to impose some form of mandate -- and even if you automatically enroll people in insurance while using the voucher or subsidy they left unused, such that you can argue that "It's not a mandate", somebody has to foot the bill.
On the whole, Salam is one of the more honest and thoughtful commentators on the Republican side. I would like to see him address the issue of health care in light of his abilities. We can start with the fact that there is no actual Republican health insurance reform that is being seriously advanced within the party. We can add to that, the fact that reforms that will shake the system are likely to cause people to lose their current insurance, whether that occurs abruptly or as a new policy is phased in. In other words, unless the Republican Party wants to take an enormous political risk that implicates all of its anti-Obamacare rhetoric, we're looking at incremental reforms, not the reinvention of health insurance and the healthcare market. Within that context, what reform ideas would Salam propose that have any chance of getting passed by the Republican majority in the House, let alone becoming law? If the answer is, "None", then he's reinforcing what many, and probably most supporters of the PPACA already acknowledge -- as flawed as the law may be, it's the best law that could get through Congress.
Wednesday, November 13, 2013
Reactions to the Healthcare.gov "Obamacare" Website
I tried to use the website on day one. The site was clearly overwhelmed. My reaction to that? "I'll try again later." Yes, it would have been nice to get through the initial registration and set up an account, and it would have been nice had HHS anticipated the massive number of people who would try out the site when it went live, but this sort of thing happens.
What I didn't anticipate, when I went back to use the site, was an experience that suggested not only that the programmers didn't care about serve load, but that they built elements of the website that seemed to frequently and unnecessarily load the server. Oh, I'm sure lots of stuff is going on in the background, but when you're simply entering your personal information... why? And why so inefficiently? If the website is overwhelmed, it would make more sense to collect the information without doing all of the back-end data crunching and, when the basic information was collected, tell applicants, "It will take approximately X hours to process your application. We will notify you by email when your application has been processed. If you would like a text message, please enter your email address or cell phone number below."
When I went back to the site, I was able to complete the registration process, but received server error messages telling me to log back in later three times over that relatively short process. To the site's credit, I only lost data one time. One minor annoyance was having to enter the same information several times, with no ability to simply click a "same as last time"-type option to pull in the data already entered. Another was with the editing process. You have to enter SSNs for people who will be part of your application. For security reasons, the SSNs are obfuscated, with the last six numbers replaced by asterisks, when you edit the personal information for any person who is part of your application. But if you don't delete those asterisks and re-enter the SSN you will get an error message. That's the sort of inattention to detail that can make a website less pleasant to use - I wonder what percentage of applicants think that the asterisks reflect the website's retention of the data, such that it doesn't have to be re-entered, only to get that error message. If you have to enter the SSN anyway, don't populate the field with asterisks. Leave it blank, perhaps with an explanation, "For security reasons your SSN is not displayed on this page. Please re-enter the number before you proceed."
Another oddity is the navigation of the various steps of the application process. The site displays the steps you must take, and those you have not yet completed, but there's no "click here to continue" type prompt. You have to guess where to click. It's not that it's difficult to guess, but I've heard from a person who I would have thought would have figured it out and he was stymied.
When available plans are displayed, you can compare plans. You can select as many as you want to compare, but the comparison page only shows three plans at a time. The comparison page is decent, with the plan broken down into areas of coverage with subheadings for the elements of coverage within a given area. The problem is, if you choose the option to delete the plan in the first column, those subheadings go away making it e difficult to compare plans. They do not reappear even if you go to the next page of plans selected for comparison - for the subheadings to reappear you need to restart the comparison process.
Finally, when selecting a plan I received a large warning that the plan did not include dental coverage for minors. It did. The problem suggests that the data about each plan and its components is included in redundant fields, as if the plan can properly display the coverage it provides there is no reason why the verification algorithm would get it wrong.
Mistakes like these aren't just indicative of limited testing by HHS. They are indicative of limited testing by the contractors who developed the UI for the website, and more than that they suggest to me that the programmers were largely indifferent to the user experience. The delays in processing data suggest that programmers were largely, perhaps, completely, indifferent to server load.
I used the online chat service to verify that I could rely upon the plan description despite the warning message. Response time was prompt and the person providing support was professional and efficient.
If I were the programmer responsible for any of the problems on this site, I wouldn't be pointing fingers. I would be apologizing and redoubling my efforts to fix it. With Republican demagoguery on the law and now on the website, it's easy to point fingers but really - based upon the types of problems and issues I experienced, the programmers bear the lion's share of responsibility for the problems with the site they programmed.
If you want to browse basic pricing information for the sites included in healthcare.gov, but don't want to register yet, unofficial information is available courtesy of Stephen P. Morse.
Wednesday, October 23, 2013
Ed Rogers Is Terrified That Obamacare will Succeed
Since I’m always admonishing others to admit the obvious, I will now make an admission of my own: I’m rooting for Obamacare to fail. And I encourage others to do the same.If you're familiar with Rogers or his history, that's really all that he needed to say. It would stand as a naked admission of his political bias, and his preference to cause harm to the millions of people who will benefit - and are already benefiting- from the PPACA if it gives advantage to the Republican Party. And if he left it at that, it would be fair to point out that people of Rogers' ilk used to go ballistic over criticism of George W. Bush, pretending that any criticism constituted a near-treasonous (or... should I say treasonish) wish for the nation to fail. But... he can't stop there.
I do not hope the uninsured stay uninsured, but Obamacare is not the solution.You know what would have been a good follow-up to that claim? A proposed solution. Do you think we got one? Get real. The reason Rogers and his ilk are jumping on the "Glitchgate" bandwagon is because they don't have any ideas.
Obamacare is a harmful policy that will be bad for the country if it is forced upon Americans and the American economy.You know what would have been a good follow-up to that hyperbolic claim? Any evidence that it is connected to reality. Do you think we got one? Yeah, same answer.
Why would anyone hope it limps into existence and settles like a cancer on the U.S. health-care system?Wow... people having health insurance is like cancer. Who would have thunk.
The president asked his critics to stop rooting for its failure, but I, for one, refuse to do so.And there he circles back to my first point, but again he finds himself unable to stop.
Also, the failure of Obamacare would do a lot to expose the false promises of big government programs.Let's see... the three biggest ticket items are Medicare, a highly popular and effective health insurance program, Social Security, a highly popular and effective program to provide retirement benefits and disability insurance, and the military. Which of these does Rogers believe will be proved to be a "false promise" by a government program that, rather than following the successful lead of Medicare, compels people to buy insurance from private companies?
President Obama has been and always will be an unapologetic promoter of classic liberal activism.Do you have the first clue what "classic liberal activism" means? If it were a little less polite, it might be a meaningless phrase Rogers picked up from Rush Limbaugh.... Does Hannity use that phrase? Seriously - when I search for the phrase "classic liberal activism" in quotes, Google returns a whopping six results, three of which are the same screed from WorldNetDaily, Joseph Farah's gift to reactionary trolls who want to play journalist. Perhaps that's Rogers' source?
Liberals think that Washington knows best and that increasing citizens’ dependency on government is a goal in and of itself.When the facts fail you, there's nothing like a hollow man argument to save the day. Which liberals hold that belief, Ed? Can you name even one? Didn't think so.
Like all Republicans, I believe we need smaller government.Straight from the hollow man to the false generalization. History tells us that Republican Presidents like to talk about smaller government, while nonetheless significantly expanding the size, reach and cost of government. Going back to 1982, which presidents have presided over the slowest growth in annualized federal spending? Clinton and Obama, by significant measure. If Republicans believe in smaller government, why do they have such a difficult time voting for politicians who reduce the size of government, implementing policies to reduce the size of government, or applauding the presidents who actually walk that walk? (Which again takes us back to my first point).
Obamacare is the opposite of a smaller, less obtrusive government.No, as Rogers would figure out if he were to actually think about the issues, it is not. Millions of people are trying to sign up for health insurance through the exchanges because they want insurance. Millions of people went to the exchange site the day it opened for that very reason. Rogers may sit around with his wealthy Republican peers, sniveling about how ordinary people don't really want health insurance, but the fact is that millions of people like the provisions of the PPACA that are already in effect (such as allowing kids to stay on their parents's health insurance until the age of 24) and are eager to finally get health insurance that they can afford or that will cover their pre-existing conditions. In terms of being "smaller", quite obviously the program is designed to minimize the public role. The opposite of that would be single payer.
The failure of Obamacare would discourage and hopefully deter those who think a bigger, more domineering U.S. government is the answer to our problems.Actually, the lesson would be that we should do the sensible thing, and follow the lead of pretty much any other western democracy - all of which have national health insurance programs of one sort or another that are both popular and largely successful. It is the adherence to "free market" principles that keeps this nation's health insurance costs so high, while providing the average American with less care than they would be able to obtain under a less costly "socialized" model.
And most important, the horrors of this debacle and the collapse of Obamacare would have a chilling effect on politicians who want to promote big government solutions.And there you get to the real problem - Rogers is cheering for Obamacare to fail because his bladder trembles at the thought that it might succeed. And then governments might do crazy things, like adequately funding public education and fixing roads and bridges.
Monday, October 21, 2013
Senator Jim Inhofe, Dishonest, Irresponsible Demagogue
Sen. Jim Inhofe (R-OK) told the radio station WABC on Sunday he may not have been granted his recent emergency quadruple bypass heart surgery if he was insured under Obamacare, BuzzFeed reported.As even a half-informed half-wit would know, coronary bypass surgery is performed as a matter of routine in nations with socialized medicine. But more than that... And such a person would likely also realize that, despite irresponsible demagoguery from people like Inhofe, Obamacare involves the purchase of insurance from private insurance companies. Surely Inhofe can still generate enough sparks between his neurons to understand the difference between buying insurance from a private company, even if pursuant to a mandate, and "socialized medicine."
"You are talking to someone right now who probably wouldn’t be here if we had socialized medicine in America," he said on host Aaron Klein's radio show, referring to Obamacare.
Inhofe, 79, told Klein he discovered he needed immediate heart surgery for clogged arteries after going in for a routine colonoscopy, and that had he been in a country with “socialized medicine like Obama is trying to impose upon America,” the operation might have been unavailable.
Inhofe has two taxpayer-funded insurance policies. The first is the insurance the taxpayers provide to him through his employment as a U.S. Senator. Second, he is the beneficiary of a truly socialized health insurance plan, the extremely popular program called Medicare. Nothing about his coverage is going to materially change on January 1. He would still have his two taxpayer-funded policies, and with coordination of coverage it was likely the socialized Medicare program that paid for his recent surgery and that would pay for it had his need arisen next year.
You know what? Let's toss ObamaCare out the window, and give everybody exactly what Jim Inhofe enjoys - government paid health insurance on top of government-paid Medicare coverage. Deal?
Monday, July 08, 2013
Sure, Let's Break the Tie Between Health Insurance and Employment
The policy consensus... is that the status quo is actually the problem, and that it deserves to be threatened, undermined and replaced as expeditiously as possible. Wonks of the left and right disagree on what that replacement should look like. But they’re united in regarding employer-provided coverage as an unsustainable relic: a burden on businesses, a source of perverse incentives for the health care market and an obstacle to more efficient, affordable and universal coverage.Douthat then provides an inaccurate history of McCain's proposal to replace employer tax incentives with an individual tax credit. Douthat pretends that there was something brave in McCain's proposal, and that it played a role in his loss of the 2008 election, but presents no evidence in support of either suggestion. The problems with McCain's proposal did not lie in its severing the tie between insurance and employment, but in his reliance upon dogma - the notion among factions of the Republican Party that the biggest problem we have with health insurance is that people have too much of it - and the fact that he would have thrown working Americans into the individual health insurance market, with some sort of government-run insurance program to pick up the unprofitable applicants, those with pre-existing medical conditions. The problem wasn't that McCain wanted to shift out of the employer-provided insurance model, it was that he wanted to radically redefine the entire health insurance market to the significant detriment of individual workers.
Douthat argues that having insurance exchanges and subsidies constitutes a "center-left alternative to the existing system", never mind that right-wing advocacy groups like the Heritage Foundation had a long history of pushing for exchanges, and that nobody has proposed that a system of exchanges can function without subsidies. Douthat has a point, that much of the rest of the program is designed to perpetuate the status quo, and he's also correct that demagoguery from both political parties makes it difficult to disturb that status quo, but he's implicitly arguing that the exchanges are a superior alternative to employer-provided health insurance. So why no criticism of the Republican factions that are working overtime to impede the implementation of the exchanges, in the hope of crippling individual access to health insurance through the exchanges?
Douthat fails to discuss the Republican Party's lockstep opposition to the PPACA, and how that factored into the eventual legislation. What would be better than an "individual mandate", and a continuation of traditional subsidies to employers that offer health insurance? A tax. Leaving aside for the moment John Roberts' ultimate conclusion that the individual mandate is a tax, why couldn't we fund the PPACA through a tax, again? Many aspects of the bill could have been improved had the Republican Party, or even a handful of Republican Senators, decided that it was better to pass a good reform bill than to try to take down the President. That strategy seemed to be working in 2010, so they doubled down. How many times have House Republicans brought absurd "repeal" votes to the floor, demonstrating their fondness for grandstanding and demagoguery? How many times have they offered to sit down with the Democrats to iron out the bugs in the PPACA and make it a better, more functional bill? Would that be roughly 37:0?
How's this for an idea? Phase out the present subsidies to businesses in favor of subsidies to individuals, but with the subsidy credited toward the cost of any employer-sponsored health coverage, while replacing the individual mandate with a modest payroll tax that is also credited to health insurance purchases, whether through an employer or through the exchanges? If your employer doesn't provide insurance you can take the entire subsidy with you when you purchase through an exchange. If you choose not to obtain health insurance, you don't get anything back - or the government could enroll you in a bare bones catastrophic insurance plan so that should you require medical care following an unexpected accident or illness your care providers can get paid.
Perhaps Douthat should also ponder this: if the tie between health insurance and employment is the huge evil he perceives, it can be wiped away in a heartbeat by implementing a single payer system, or through a system of exchanges in which the consumer picks an approved, privately administered health insurance plan while the government pays the premium.
Sunday, May 26, 2013
Robert Saumuelson's ObamaCare Journamalism
To get some answers, I recently talked with the heads of four “professional employer organizations” (PEOs) — these are companies that act as “human resources” departments for small companies. They provide payroll services and advise on fringe benefits and government regulations. Their customers include construction companies, restaurants, small manufacturers and professional firms. Many of these firms are only now coming to grips with the ACA, because they’d assumed that the Supreme Court would invalidate it or that a Republican White House would repeal it.That's the first place I would look for answers about the PPACA - a bunch of consultants who were apparently happy to reassure their clients, "Don't worry about ObamaCare because it will be repealed or overturned," or who knew better but were not sufficiently competent to convince their clients to prepare for the possibility that they might actually have to follow the law.
To encourage candor, we talked on a not-for-attribution basis.As if they would own up to that level of incompetence and then speak with Samuelson on anything but a "not-for-attribution basis".
First, some companies now providing insurance are being hit with huge premium increases. Before Obamacare, said one PEO adviser, his clients typically received annual increases of 6 percent to 12 percent. “This year we’re seeing 30 percent rate hikes,” he said. The surge is blamed, rightly or wrongly, on the ACA’s requirement for more comprehensive coverage and on its formula for calculating premiums (aka “community rating”).Seriously? Is it that the incompetence of the consultants who spoke with Samuelson reached beyond their failure to advise their clients to prepare to comply with the law, and extended into not even knowing the basic economics of health insurance and premium costs? Or is it that Samuelson didn't ask the obvious follow-up question, "Which is it - rightly or wrongly?" To be fair to Samuelson, I think he knows the answer, but if he said it out loud ("wrongly") his three-point list would as a consequence have only two points.
Second, most companies haven’t made final decisions. Those who have go both ways. Another adviser described a 250-worker car dealership with good wages but no health insurance; it will provide coverage and cut wages to help pay costs. Another example involved a 60-worker manufacturing firm with wages of $12 to $15 an hour. It offered bare-bones policies with steep deductibles. Confronting higher premiums for expanded coverage, the owner will drop insurance. He found the ACA “too complex,” said this adviser.Should we assume at this point that we're talking about a cause of higher premiums other than those that employers
Third, many firms are revising their business models to minimize insurance costs. One favorite idea: Hold workers below the 30-hour weekly threshold requiring insurance. Many part-time employees who work more (say, 35 hours a week) will lose hours.I've heard about this little scheme, as well. The fixes are so obvious (e.g., setting the penalty based upon total employee hours) that the only reason that it's worth discussing is that people like Samuelson anticipate that Republicans will filibuster any effort to implement a fix. But you know what? It may not amount to much. When an employee is given a choice between working two jobs because his employer won't give him more than thirty hours, and working one job with decent health benefits, guess which job anybody worth hiring is going to choose?
If Samuelson had any experience working in an environment where employees earn at or near minimum wage, he would have some appreciation for how little it takes to convince an employee to change jobs. Samuelson wouldn't notice fifty cents an hour. Were he making $7.25 per hour, it would become a big deal. If you want to run the business with employees who don't mess up orders, don't waste food, are less likely to steal, are easier to train and supervise, etc., as a general rule you have to pay a bit more than the guy down the street. If my competitor in food service were intent on keeping his employees below thirty hours a week, I would be happily skimming the cream off of his workforce.
Another adviser mentioned a client, an engineering firm with 48 workers, that had deliberately restrained expansion.This is where I make a coughing noise that sounds a lot like I'm actually saying "bull****". If this engineering firm truly is constraining its size to avoid giving its employees decent health insurance, it's not going to have much luck retaining engineers. They have even better options than the movie theater worker and hotel workers whose anticipated plight was, mere moments ago, giving Samuelson such... is the word, delight?
I would suggest that Samuelson stop "concern trolling" ObamaCare and propose some meaningful solutions, but... as I suggested up front, I see no evidence that he's interested in solving the problems ObamaCare is attempting to address.
Thursday, April 18, 2013
With Bipartisanship Like This, Health Care Doesn't Need Enemies
So, then, what's the basic premise of this special interest front group?
What we learned is that, until better care is prioritized over more care, our nation will continue to face a problem with health-care costs. The good news is that, through thoughtful policy, health-care practitioners can be encouraged through rewards to focus far more on what is best for their patients and less on the number of tests and procedures they can order. The even better news is that such a health-care vision can not only produce better care but also cost less.So... Bill Frist has given up his habit of diagnosing medical conditions from the Senate floor, then insisting that their lives be prolonged indefinitely no matter what the financial cost to the country or emotional cost to their family? Was it the "bipartisanship" that brought him around, or the paycheck, because... You'll please excuse my skepticism that Tom Daschle and Bill Frist couldn't see eye-to-eye on what was good for the nation when they were being paid by the taxpayer to do so, but fell into a warm mutual embrace of their employer's policy position the second they entered the private sector.
Well, they claim that we can pay less and get better healthcare. So how do they, the admitted beneficiaries of the best health care our nation has to offer, far better than the average American can presently hope to obtain, propose to give us this "higher quality and greater efficiency" at a lower cost?
To address these, we seek to promote coordinated and accountable systems of health-care delivery and payment, building on what has proved successful in the private and public sectors. Organized systems of care emphasize the value of care delivered over the volume of care. These systems are often better able to meet patients’ needs and desires and are able to effectively reimburse providers and practitioners for delivering high-quality care.That sounds like... obfuscation. It would be helpful if they would start by identifying the systems that have "proved successful in the private and public sectors", but... I know, far too much to ask. Besides, if they were to approach that issue honestly they would have to praise the efficiency and popularity of Medicare and the single-payer V.A. system, as well as the fact that every other industrialized nation has managed to offer an overall quality of care comparable to that of the U.S. at a considerably lower cost.
So, if they cannot identify even one of the "coordinated and accountable systems of health-care delivery and payment" they used as their model, perhaps they can help us by giving us examples of that coordination and accountability. You know, of the sort of measures that will result in better care for less money.
They propose to "Preserve the promise of traditional Medicare while adding more choices and protections for beneficiaries, including accountable systems of care and a stronger, more competitive Medicare Advantage program." So "keep Medicare but with added buzzwords" - and then magically create a "stronger, more competitive Medicare Advantage program"... does that mean, one that won't require massive subsidies to attract even a single consumer to migrate from standard Medicare? Just asking.
They propose to "Strengthen and modernize the traditional Medicare benefit, including adding a catastrophic cap, rationalizing cost-sharing and premiums and expanding access to assistance programs for those with low incomes" - in case you're not paying attention, what they're saying here is that they want to cost-shift from the Medicare program to its beneficiaries. So... their two leading ideas have nothing to do with improved systems or providing better care. Should we hold our breath and expect things to get better?
They want to "Reform the tax treatment of health insurance to limit the taxfavored [sic] treatment of overly expensive insurance products" - In other words, if you have really great coverage (like the kind they, personally enjoy) they want to increase the tax burden on your employer so that your employer will offer you lesser coverage. Once again the entire focus is on shifting the cost of care from insurance to the consumer, and has absolutely nothing to do with improving care or efficiency.
They propose to "Empower patients by promoting transparency that is meaningful to consumers, families and businesses, and streamline quality reporting" - which, if they have actually studied the issue, they know translates into meaningless twaddle. But heck, it sounds like it came right out of a mission statement generator, so odds are you never thought it was anything but meaningless twaddle. The most charitable reading is that they propose to give consumers more information so that they can make their own decisions about their healthcare instead of deferring to their doctors. Oh, you thought you were going to hear about things that work, things that improve care and lower costs, rather than the usual tired nonsense about how consumers can learn to manage the intricacies of their own medical care? Well, guess again!
They're going to "Advance the nation’s understanding of potential cost savings from prevention programs, through support for research and innovation on effective strategies to address costly chronic conditions" - because, you know, telling people, "If you don't smoke, lose weight, eat better, and exercise more, you'll be healthier", has been such a successful strategy to date. Because so many people have yet to hear that sort of hectoring.
Back to twaddle, "Offer incentives to states to promote policies that will support a more organized, value-driven health-care delivery and payment system, such as supporting medical liability reform and strengthening their primary-care workforce." In the real world, "medical liability reform" - that is to say, denying victims of malpractice effective redress through the courts" - has not resulted in cost savings. But clearly it's something that their employer's clients want, so there it is! And what does "strengthening the[] primary-care workforce" mean? Clearly it doesn't mean "hiring more primary care physicians", as so far this proposal is about anything but encouraging people to see their doctors when they're sick.
All of these policies are designed to improve the quality and value of our nation’s health care. That is where every health-reform effort should start.Sure, if we pretend that "improve the quality and value of our nation’s health care" is synonymous with "improve the bottom line of the industry groups that fund our organization". Given that none of the proposals as stated has any realistic chance of either improving the quality of care or improving the efficiency of the provision of care, but can be guaranteed to raise both cost and risk for the consumer, it's difficult for me to believe that they're fooling anybody with this other than the guy on the Washington Post's editorial board who approved the essay. I joke - the editorial board and its members push this sort of editorial with some regularity, knowing full well that they're at best pushing a half-truth and at worst pushing something that's good for the bottom line of the insurance, pharmaceutical or hospital industry even if harmful to consumers.
By presenting this report to federal, state and private-sector leaders, we hope to promote a collaborative dialogue and a shared understanding of strategies to put our nation’s health system, as well as its economic outlook, on a sounder, healthier and more sustainable path.No, really, they don't. All four of the authors had the opportunity to do what was right for the nation when they held elected office, or when they worked in the public sector. Their unified front comes not from a realization of how obtuse and destructive they were when they couldn't agree, but from the fact that they won't keep their jobs if they don't push their employer's agenda. How about a little bit of honesty?
Wednesday, March 13, 2013
If A Case Can Be Made for Ryan's Medicare Vouchers, How About Making It
The plan would not eliminate traditional Medicare. Democrats have gotten political mileage from accusing Ryan of wanting to “end Medicare as we know it.” That is not the same thing as ending Medicare. Ryan’s plan would give seniors a fixed amount of money that they could use to buy traditional Medicare coverage or a private plan with similar benefits. It would convert the program from a single-payer monolith into a marketplace of competing plans. But unlike his budget of two years ago, it would not remove traditional Medicare from the menu of options. Here’s where the “as we know it” part comes in: Because traditional Medicare would have to compete on price with the private plans, there’s a chance it could become too expensive for every senior who wants it to buy it. The plan, which limits how much the payment can increase each year, could also shift costs to even those seniors who buy the cheapest option in the marketplace.I think it would be more accurate to say that mediocre reporters have gotten mileage out of snarking at an accurate description of Ryan's Medicare plan which, as any healthcare correspondent should know, has been repeatedly revised due to a recognition that current Medicare recipients would go ballistic if it had been implemented as originally proposed. Seriously, if you buy the conceit that Ryan's privatization plan doesn't change Medicare, but merely gives you ample money to buy full Medicare coverage along with any number of additional private plans, why do you think Ryan continues to be such a coward about the implementation of his plan - pushing off full implementation for a decade? Why wouldn't seniors rejoice at the new choices, rather than being anticipated to recoil with such horror that implementation must be put off into the distant future? If the Ryan plan breaches the promise of Medicare to current recipients, how clueless do you have to be to believe it won't change anything for future recipients? How clueless do you have to be to go along with the pretense that Medicare as we know it could be sustained under his voucher plan?
The author, Margot Sanger-Katz, suggests that under Ryan's voucher plan "there’s a chance [traditional Medicare] could become too expensive for every senior who wants it to buy it". A chance? Could? Is she completely ignorant of the genesis of this plan?
If you believe that the purpose of the Ryan plan is to save money - that Medicare costs too much, and that the voucher plan will significantly curtail spending - how difficult is it to figure out that the savings have to come from somewhere. Ryan and his party engaged in some pretty egregious demagoguery against Obama's cuts to Medicare providers - cuts designed to ensure a consistent level of care for seniors. Those cuts... remain part of Ryan's proposed budget. But that's not enough cutting. From where does Ms. Sanger-Katz believe additional savings will be derived? As should be obvious, Ryan's plan is to ensure that the "fixed amount of money" grows at an artificially capped rate well below the rate of medical inflation.
It's also pretty astonishing that Ms. Sanger-Katz is unaware that the Ryan voucher plan is designed to shift healthier seniors out of Medicare - that is, now that he's willing to allow some form of Medicare to continue to exist. Returning to an earlier point, Ms. Sanger-Katz bashed Democrats for supposedly getting "political mileage from accusing Ryan of wanting to 'end Medicare as we know it.'" If the original plan did not end Medicare as we know it, because his vouchers would happen to be called "Medicare", why is Ms. Sanger-Katz claiming that its the continued ability to buy "traditional Medicare coverage" that keeps Ryan's plan from ending Medicare as we know it? If she believes that to be the case, as is implicit in her argument, then it's time for her to respect the facts and admit that the Democrats were correct
As for the goals of the voucher plan, as should be obvious, healthy seniors with lower healthcare costs are more profitable for private insurers. The sickly, money-losing senior citizens are a population that insurers don't want to serve and have never wanted to serve. Ms. Sanger-Katz would apparently have us believe that she has no comprehension of why Medicare exists in the first place. Seniors who need a lot of medical care will end up on "traditional Medicare" (if they can afford the premium), with the result being that Medicare's per patient costs will rise at a much higher rate than the private plans that are able to cherry-pick from a healthier population. While Ms. Sanger-Katz does not hold herself out as an insurance correspondent, she should still be able to figure out that the operative words are not "chance" an "could".
If Ms. Sanger-Katz knows the basic facts, she should admit them. From there, she could describe the probable impact of Ryan's proposed cuts and voucher plan and, if she nonetheless believes the cuts to be appropriate and a voucher plan to be a reasonable alternative to single payer, lay out the policy case for the Ryan plan. If I give her the benefit of the doubt based upon what she instead wrote, I have to regard her as credulous and lazy - as willing to take at face value representations from hyper-partisan politicians that, if made to a better reporter, would instead inspire a series of probing follow-up questions, or at least the performance of basic research to determine if she's being sold a bill of goods.
Friday, February 01, 2013
Distorted Reports of Future Health Insurance Costs
The Internal Revenue Service issued a report Wednesday in which it estimated that under Obamacare, the least expensive health insurance plan available to a family in 2016 would cost $20,000 annually according to CNSNews.com.If you investigate, what do you actually find? You don't find a projection of future health insurance costs. You find an example of how the regulation works using a set of arbitrarily selected, largely round numbers. (See page 70.)
I don't know if the people behind this story are fools or frauds... at this point, it's likely some of each... but if you care about appearing informed it's not something you should fall for.
Tuesday, January 22, 2013
American Grandstand, With Orrin Hatch and Lamar Alexander
Today, Senate Finance Committee Ranking Member Orrin Hatch (R-Utah) and Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee Ranking Member Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.) introduced legislation, the American Liberty Restoration Act, repealing the individual insurance mandate that is a central tenet of the President’s health care law.The insurance industry, of course, requires the mandate in order to provide coverage without regard for preexisting conditions. If it appeared that the entire bill were going to be left in place as is, except for the mandate, that industry would quite obviously be displeased.
I wonder, if Harry Reid allows the bill to come to vote will we see yet another example of a Republican filibustering his own bill?
Sunday, January 20, 2013
As Long as the Health Insurance Industry Stands to Profit....
The point of the penalty to enforce the mandate was to prevent healthy people — particularly healthy young people — from declining to purchase insurance, or dropping their insurance, which would leave an insured pool of mostly old and infirm people. This would cause the cost of insurance premiums to soar, making it more and more sensible for the healthy to pay the ACA tax, which is much less than the price of insurance.Dean Baker responds,
[Chief Justice] Roberts noted that a person earning $35,000 a year would pay a $60 monthly tax and someone earning $100,000 would pay $200. But the cost of a qualifying insurance policy is projected to be $400 a month. Clearly, it would be sensible to pay $60 or $200 rather than $400, because if one becomes ill, “guaranteed issue” assures coverage and “community rating” means that one’s illness will not result in higher insurance rates.
There are two problems with Will's logic. First, the insurance will likely pay for many non-serious illnesses that even healthy people would otherwise have to cover out of pocket. in other words, it is not a question of paying $400 for nothing as opposed to paying $200 for nothing. It is a question of paying $400 for insurance or $200 for nothing. It is not clear that many people will make the choice that Will wants them to make.Baker also suggests that an economic consequence could be imposed upon people who don't buy insurance:
The more important problem with Will's thinking is that there are an endless number of ways to slice and dice the restrictions so that the option of not buying insurance is less attractive. For example, the cost of buying insurance can be made higher for those who had previously opted not to buy into the system. Suppose the cost of later buying into the system rose 25 percent for each year that a person opted not to buy in. (Medicare Part B works this way and the vast majority of beneficiaries do chose to buy in when they first become eligible.) This would make the arithmetic of opting out much less favorable.I agree that such consequences could be created, but I'm not sure that they would work or that they wouldn't be self-defeating - at least the ones proposed by Baker. When applying for Medicare, most people recognize that they will eventually need Medicare Part D, and the penalties are such that it makes little to no sense to put off enrollment. I'm not sure that the populations who are being targeted by the penalty view significant health costs as that inevitable.
The rules can also be changed to make pre-existing conditions uncovered for the first 2 years after buying insurance for those who opted to pay the penalty rather than buy into the system. Neither of these measures would in any obvious way run afoul of Justice Roberts' argument for the constitutionality of the ACA.
Similarly, one of the goals of universal health insurance is to help society avoid the increased cost of care for a manageable or preventable medical condition. If you deny somebody care for a chronic condition for a couple of years, most likely the period of years after it becomes sufficiently severe that the person wants insurance, you create the risk that excluding the condition from insurance will increase the applicant's long-term healthcare costs, and you risk their condition worsening to the point of disability, perhaps taking them out of the workforce or shortening their careers.
It may be possible to work out penalty provisions that could work, and I don't want to treat a couple of "off the top of my head" ideas as the end of the discussion, but we would have to take care not to create a penalty that would undermine the goals of universality and perhaps even increase the overall cost of care.
Baker correctly points out that if a problem develops and the Republicans in Congress refuse to address it, "that route would have nothing to do with the constitutional restrictions put in place by Roberts". History tells us that Will's belief that "Republicans will ferociously resist exacerbating the nation’s financial crisis in order to rescue the ACA" is nothing more than a fantasy - when it comes to budgeting, Republicans are good at three things: Spending money, cutting taxes and thereby reducing revenues, and then whining about the fact that due to their policies we "can't afford" to pay the bills they ran up. Will confuses their "talking the talk", insisting that we must cut Social Security and Medicare in order to balance the budget, with "walking the walk", proposing actual, concrete cuts. When you look at their actions, you have... Medicare Part D, the unfunded prescription drug benefits that the Republican's leading fiscal scolds endorsed.
I continue to believe what I said in response to Gerson's column: That if the insurance industry finds that not enough people are responding to the penalty, such that their profits are at risk, the Republicans will adjust the mandate to increase participation. I find it exceptionally unlikely that they will tell insurers, "Be patient and take the losses, because in a few years we may be able to repeal the entire law." Let's not forget, there's a reason the Republicans favored this approach back in the 1980's, and why the insurance company agreed to get out of the way of the PPACA when it was proceeding through Congress: They believe that they will profit from the reform. Going back to the status quo ante may sound good to Will, but it takes away the anticipated profit. Losing money for years, in the hope of getting back to the status quo ante? Get real. Insurance companies didn't go to Congress and say, "We can't make money with Medicare Advantage", they said, "Give us a subsidy!" And they got it.
Will argues that by virtue of the penalty's having been declared a tax, "the penalty for refusing to purchase insurance counts as a tax only if it remains so small as to be largely ineffective". That's the argument that Baker was addressing when pointing out that Congress has more options than simply making the penalty larger. But I disagree with Will's conceit that the penalty tax can't be onerous - if it's reasonably related to the actual cost of providing care to the uninsured. Also, it's not a binary issue - if the tax is increased, it will not go from "too low" to "onerous", but will be ratcheted up until it becomes sufficiently effective.
The Roberts Court pointed out that by statute the penalty can never be more than the cost of insurance - but at that point, surely even Will can understand that most people will opt to acquire the insurance they're effectively already paying for, and the tax revenues from those who do not will be more than sufficient to ensure the continuation of the program. If everybody pays a premium sufficient to pay for health insurance, but some aren't receiving benefits, the result is that there's some extra money in the system. Also, as Baker points out, the threshold at which it makes more sense to buy insurance, as opposed to paying a penalty and paying for your own care, comes well before the amount of the penalty matches the cost of insurance.
The fact remains, if the penalty proves ineffective the insurance industry will come to Congress not to argue, "Repeal this program," but to say, "Fix things so that we're profitable." And just as the Republicans were happy to subsidize private competitors in the Medicare Advantage program, they will oblige the insurance industry by increasing the penalty - whether directly or through other measures along the lines of what Baker described - or by providing a subsidy.
Thursday, January 03, 2013
The Elderly Cannot Be Informed Consumers of their Most Expensive Care
Given that Roy started out by, in effect, preaching to the choir, he had what should have been a relatively simple task. Use the available facts and data to point to possible solutions to the problem of healthcare inflation. I know that some argue that the problem of healthcare inflation is going to cure itself - that the changes that led to the rise in costs reflect the significant evolution of the industry and, as we exit the era of new blockbuster drugs and improvements in medical technology become more incremental, inflation will tame itself. But history is a better teacher than wishful thinking - or as Burgess Meredith put it... - we have to plan as if healthcare inflation will continue to rise. And you know what? If we find ways to make healthcare significantly more affordable without compromising quality, even if the cost curve cures itself we'll be much better off as a society.
If Roy believes his own thesis, then one of his arguments should be, "We should look at how other industrialized nations are able to offer a comparable quality of care, with comparable outcomes, at a much lower cost, and at least think about doing what they're doing." Alas, Roy is not so much interested in advancing good policy as he is in advancing the agenda of reducing the scope of Medicare.
Roy argues,
The largest driver of Medicare cost inflation is the fact that retirees bear little of the expense for their own care. As a result, seniors have no incentive to avoid unnecessary or overpriced treatments. Rettenmaier and Saving have shown that, between 1960 and 1985, growth in health expenditures was highest in those categories of spending in which consumer cost-sharing was lowest (such as hospital care), and lowest where consumers were most responsible for their own expenses (like prescription drugs, which were not covered by Medicare during that period).If that actually were the cost, you should see a different rate of medical inflation for non-elderly populations. You should see yet another, much lower rate of medical inflation for procedures that normally fall outside of insurance coverage. And you should see a much higher rate of inflation in industrialized nations that offer universal or near-universal healthcare coverage. But... you don't.
Roy overlooks the fact that people are inevitably going to be poor consumers of healthcare services. They like their doctor, so they keep going back to their doctor - and while the relationship will benefit many patients, others will keep going back to a doctor who is providing substandard care or who is opportunistically ordering unnecessary tests and procedures, perhaps through self-referral, in order to maximize his revenues. How does Roy suggest that the average elderly person determine whether the doctor she trusts is providing sufficient care, or if a different doctor might offer equivalent care at a lower price or better care at a higher price that nonetheless results in a net savings?
But more than that, where does Roy imagine that the savings will come from? If we're talking about seniors with chronic health conditions, they are going to need diabetes supplies, oxygen, catheters and the like. No way around it. Does Roy believe that individuals can get better pricing on care, supplies and services than an insurance company or government agency that can negotiate a discount? If so, I would like to see him connect that theory to the reality in this country, where the uninsured pay the highest prices for their medical care. If I were to be less charitable, I might ask whether Roy's intention is that the elderly have to choose the care, medication and equipment they need, versus paying their bills, buying food....
One has to ask if Roy's goal is to bend the cost curve, or if it's simply to shift medical costs from Medicare onto elderly individuals. If we presuppose that the elderly can afford the care that they require, it remains fair to observe that a cost shift does not actually address either the cost of the healthcare system or healthcare inflation. It simply means that instead of the money coming from Medicare, it will come from a senior's savings. Or their children's savings. Because unless the goal is deprivation, the money has to come from somewhere.
The problem with Roy's argument actually goes much deeper, when you consider the times when the elderly can easily run up five and six figure medical bills. A senior falls and fractures her hip. A senior has a heart attack or stroke. A senior collapses and is diagnosed with acute kidney failure. They can be in a hospital with a five figure medical bill before they're even able to consider whether they're in the most appropriate care center with the most appropriate doctor and most appropriate treatment plan. When you suffer a catastrophic health issue, odds are you are going to have to rely upon some combination of serendipity and the good intentions of others to get you to a point of medical stability - Roy's conceit that it is possible to address this type of issue by giving seniors an incentive to shop around for the best deal isn't realistic.
Roy complains that the same general problem holds true across the board:
The same holds true for all consumers of health care — not just the elderly. Medicaid and the system of employer-based health insurance both provide a great deal of first-dollar insurance coverage, meaning that consumers do not pay directly for services they receive and therefore have no clear sense of relative costs and values. In 1960, individuals paid directly for 52% of national health expenditures, but by 2008 that share had declined to just 12%. Americans are shielded from the real costs of their health care; as a result, it costs too much.Except here's the thing: Insurance companies have been experimenting with copayments and deductibles to try to save money. And that cost-shifting has been relatively successful. However, on the whole, the net cost to the consumer has gone up. Why? Because when you have comprehensive insurance and your doctor says, "You need a CT scan", somebody from the medical center calls up your insurance company to see if it's covered. If the answer is "No," the patient is likely to receive a less expensive test that is covered by insurance. On the other hand, if the patient does not have that invisible intermediary, there's nobody to come back with, "Why not start with an ultrasound (or other test that might either confirm or refute a potential diagnosis) and we can see if the CT remains necessary once we have the results." They simply hear their doctor saying, "You need this," and so they pay for it.
Which brings to mind another contributing factor: the doctor may not have any idea what the tests, procedures, and medications he orders cost. In fact, there's a large, lucrative industry built around trying to convince doctors to prescribe expensive, patented medications, or to use new medical technologies, implants and devices. Perhaps that would be mitigated in part if more patients were overtly cost conscious, but I doubt it - it's not realistic for doctors to keep track of the relative cost of myriad treatment options, and to try to guide patients through their choices - particularly at those times when the most expensive care decisions are being made. Even if we assume that the information is available, accurate and that the patient is capable of understanding the financial information. It's simply not realistic.
Note that Roy also assumes that the fact that "In 1960, individuals paid directly for 52% of national health expenditures" while now "but by 2008 that share had declined to just 12%" means that people are choosing to obtain care that the don't actually require. A big part of the difference comes directly from Medicare - a program that was created in no small part because the elderly were being underserved by the health insurance market. We also now diagnose and treat a wide range of chronic health issues that were barely on the radar screen, or even unknown to medicine, back in 1960. We also offer a wide range of medical treatments that significantly improve the quality of life that were in their infancy or largely unavailable in 1960. A big part of the difference comes from the fact that, as a society, we have decided that certain medical care should be provided to people even when they cannot afford to pay a cent toward that care - hence programs like Medicaid and laws like EMTALA.
Roy makes little effort to advance his position that healthcare costs would decline if consumers were required to pay for a greater percentage of their care, and as I noted the data suggests that costs could actually increase. Roy does not attempt to document that the care is unnecessary, or the mercenary argument that if we apply a cost-benefit analysis we as a society will be better off even if we deny people access to necessary medical care.
At the end of his article, Roy reveals himself to be little but a foot soldier for the Romney/Ryan "reform" plan - not a policy analyst, but a political advocate. His first recommendation is right out of the political coward's playbook - "Don't change anything for anybody aged 55 or older." That's not about making good policy or protecting people - it's about votes. If in fact his second proposal, cost sharing (i.e., increasing what people have to pay for the care they receive) leads people to "make sensible decisions about whether to pursue treatment", it will do so for somebody who is presently 55 or older. If in fact his third proposal, means testing, is a reasonable measure, there's no reason to exempt the present generation of wealthy Medicare recipients from that standard. Worse, cost-sharing is unlikely to work, and means testing is not likely to produce appreciable savings.
Roy's next proposal is to "index the Medicare retirement age to life expectancy", that is, to make people wait longer to qualify for Medicare. Never mind that a significant population of seniors already postpone medical treatment until they qualify for Medicare. Never mind that the cost of postponed treatment can mean that the overall cost of Medicare goes up, or that more people will end up either on Medicaid, or become eligible for Medicare through SSDI instead of through reaching the retirement age. If there is a valid argument that actual savings could be realized, Roy hasn't tried to make it, relying instead upon supposition.
Roy's first meaningful proposal is to work harder to eliminate fraud from Medicare. Except everybody wants to eliminate fraud. Doctors and clinics get sued and prosecuted for Medicare fraud. Roy's solution? To privatize administration of Medicare. He may as well argue that we should wave a magic wand. There is no reason to believe that privatized administration will reduce fraud, and every reason to anticipate that it will increase costs.
Roy's ultimate proposal is that we implement a Ryan-style voucher plan for Medicare, while allowing seniors to buy insurance through a health insurance exchange. You know, the sort of exchange that's "the end of the world" as part of the PPACA, but for some reason is the height of market efficiency for a post-Medicare voucher program for the elderly.
Roy closes by attempting to put Medicare "in context":
Addressing this problem would require reforming and integrating Medicare, Medicaid, the employer-sponsored system, and the individual market (and would therefore require replacing Obamacare with a very different set of health-care reforms well beyond Medicare). It would involve addressing the runaway costs of defensive medicine and medical-malpractice litigation. Such changes would of course be extremely difficult to undertake, as the heated ongoing health-care debate amply demonstrates.Roy wants to "integrat[e] Medicare, Medicaid, the employer-sponsored system, and the individual market"? That sounds a lot like what would be accomplished through "single payer". So no, that's actually not what Roy wants. Were Roy and his brand of analyst serious about reform they would be looking around the world at how other industrialized nations have responded to the same issues and proposing that we emulate their success. Instead they urge us to ignore our lying eyes, drink the Kool-Aid, and double down on our history of failed market-based (non-)solutions.
Note also Roy's introduction of the canards that "defensive medicine" and medical malpractice play a significant role in the current problem, and his prevarication that they are "runaway costs". They weren't important enough to address in his plan to save Medicare, but how can you close out a political argument like this without dropping them in for good measure? A serious analyst would put the prevention of malpractice and maloccurrence on the agenda, while recognizing that any effort to push the "runaway malpractice costs" like would reveal him as a dilettante. The current system compensated a very small percentage of malpractice victims, and is very accurate at weeding out unsupported claims. There's no indication that so-called "defensive medicine" could be eliminated even if doctors enjoyed absolute immunity - and if you look at the facts even the most sweeping "tort reform" measures, such as the laws in Texas that come close to giving doctors immunity, do not affect the manner in which doctors order tests and procedures. What changes things? The sort of salaried arrangement used by facilities like the Mayo Clinic and the Cleveland Clinic. Go figure.
Strip away the window dressing and the argument boils down to, "Medical care costs too much and costs are rising too quickly. I have no solutions, so I propose eliminating any form of group health insurance, giving poor people vouchers that they can use to pay for individual insurance policies, and calling it a day."
Thursday, November 15, 2012
Tying Medicare Reform Into Obamacare
The White House, however, has dropped hints that Medicare could come in for cuts, specifically an increase in the eligibility age. This is a really bad idea. The administration has already imagined that it will be able to cut Medicare by nearly a trillion dollars without cutting services, in order to finance Obamacare. Republicans railed against these cuts in the campaign. Any further Medicare cuts are a terrible idea.I agree with Kuttner that, as things presently stand, increasing the eligibility age for Medicare is likely to prove to be bad policy. A lot of people hold off on obtaining medical care until they qualify for Medicare, and making people wait a few years longer is likely to both increase the number of people who have unmet medical needs as they enter Medicare and the cost of treating some of those illnesses and disorders. It's not clear that the government would end up saving any money, or at least not an appreciable amount.
Long-term reform of Medicare is necessary, and is a daunting project. But it doesn’t belong in this budget deal.
Looking at political reality, though, you're going to see any "increase in age" legislated in the same manner as the Romney-Ryan voucherization plan - it will be something that affects a class of future retirees, not those who are presently at or near retirement age. That means first that the change is likely to be scheduled to take effect under a different President, but also that Congress will be staring down the next set of people who are near retirement age when they actually implement the change.
So, how about that "Obamacare" thing?
Let's say that the future deal is that the age for eligibility in Medicare is bumped up by three years. Not so good for unhealthy near-retirees, right? Except if things work out as planned, those near-retirees will have health insurance - likely with companies that would just as soon dump them onto Medicare. If the eligibility age is increased but that class of seniors is permitted to buy into Medicare, those who would presently be left high and dry by a raising of the eligibility age may be able to obtain Medicare courtesy of the subsidies made available through "Obamacare". If the trade is "We'll raise the Medicare eligibility age by three years, starting in [the future], as long as affected seniors can buy into Medicare," most seniors should be reasonably covered through that transition period.
There's also an element of "put up or shut up" involved for the Republicans. If the private markets can compete with Medicare, providing the same or better service at a cost savings to enrollees, then insurance companies should be lining up to serve near-retirees during the years leading up to their Medicare eligibility. If that in fact happens, great! If the Republicans are afraid to go there... well, what does that tell you?
Wednesday, November 07, 2012
Tuesday, October 02, 2012
Fee-For-Service Isn't "Market-Based"?
The second approach, favored by me, is to scrap the perverse fee-for-service incentives and use a more market-based approach. I think there’s ample evidence that this could work, but, to be honest, some serious health economists disagree.As expressed, the statement is an incoherent mess. In our market-based economy, if you want goods you pay for them. If you want services you pay for them. What does Brooks imagine to be more market-based than paying the fees required by people who is selling you their services.
In an effort to make sense of Brooks' argument, I headed over to Romney's website, and found this:
• Medicare is reformed as a premium support system, meaning that existing spending is repackaged as a fixed-amount benefit to each senior that he or she can use to purchase an insurance plan....In other words, Brooks is distorting Romney's proposal - rendering it incomprehensible in his retelling - to avoid disclosing that what Romney wants to do is replace Medicare with vouchers. Romney doesn't care whether health insurance is offered on a fee-for-service basis or on some other basis - he simply wants seniors to purchase it from private insurance companies, while constructing a premium structure that will discourage seniors from buying - or leave them unable to afford - traditional Medicare coverage.
• “Traditional” fee-for-service Medicare will be offered by the government as an insurance plan, meaning that seniors can purchase that form of coverage if they prefer it; however, if it costs the government more to provide that service than it costs private plans to offer their versions, then the premiums charged by the government will have to be higher and seniors will have to pay the difference to enroll in the traditional Medicare option
Brooks goes from incoherent to insipid:
I’m willing to pursue any experiment, from any political direction, that lowers costs and saves Medicare. Democrats are campaigning as the party that will fight to the death to preserve the Medicare status quo. If they win, the lesson will be: Never Touch Medicare. No Democrat or Republican will dare reform the system, and we will go bankrupt.The Democratic Party worked very hard to reform Medicare, hampered not by a lack of willingness to make the effort but by lockstep Republican opposition. Brooks knows that the Republican hope was that, between demagoguery, obstructionism and , the reform effort would fail. The goal was not to offer a better alternative - that can be seen from the fact that the "best" Romney is willing to do is propose vouchers for a future set of seniors - but to prevent a reform that would strengthen and perpetuate the program. Through "Romney", Brooks whines that "Congress wrote provisions in the health care law that have already gutted the power of the advisory board", but the Republicans in Congress could have prevented that from happening or could help fix that problem right now. Instead they demagogue about "death panels" and "bureaucrats deciding your care."
When it's private plans, the Republican complaint is that Obama's reforms were going to make you change your insurance plan, put bureaucrats between you and your doctor, make you change your doctor.... But when it's Medicare, the goal is to strip seniors of their present plan, Medicare, and subject them to the vagaries of market forces rather than guaranteeing a predefined set of services in the tradition of comprehensive health insurance. There's no attempt at consistency, but that's only a problem if columnists like Brooks aren't willing to post incoherent nonsense to spackle over the cracks and holes in the healthcare policies his preferred candidates want to impose upon the nation.
If the Democrats win, it will be that much harder for the Republicans to voucherize Medicare, but it is absurd to pretend that the only party that displays any serious interest in reform and cost containment will suddenly stop working on those reforms. Given Romney's effort to distance himself from his own health insurance reform plan, there's simply no credibility to Brooks' suggestion that he would "pursue any experiment, from any political direction". The only plan he's openly favored is voucherization, walking it back only when he realized the backlash that plan was about to create. Under Romney, we're not going to be looking at ideas from Japan, Europe or Canada, or even Massachusetts. If he gets his way, we'll be looking at vouchers.
The charitable interpretation is that Brooks is trying to put the best spin - the least offensive mendacity, inconsistency and incoherence - on what Romney might say about Medicare, and that Brooks is not himself attempting to hide the facts of Romney's plan. But given Brooks' history, there's little reason to view his column as anything other than an attempt to burnish Romney.
Update: Dean Baker addresses a number of the factual errors and faulty assumptions Brooks includes in his "speech".
Friday, August 24, 2012
David Brooks, Minstrel to Brave Sir Ryan
In relation to David Brooks' column endorsing the Republican voucher plan for Medicare, in which Brooks purports to be addressing "the paradigmatic 'moderate voter'", Scott Galupo notes, it’s bleedingly obvious that David Brooks is talking to himself"
There may be three- or four-hundred voters besides Brooks who suffer from the same perplexities. Maybe a dozen of these live somewhere besides Manhattan or Washington, D.C. The idea that any bloc of voters, let alone moderates, believes that the “priority in this election is to get a leader who can get Medicare costs under control” is ludicrously narcissistic.Basically, the column is typical Brooks - some pretense at moderation before throwing his entire weight behind the Republican candidate. Facts? Irrelevant. Dean Baker observes,
NYT readers must be wondering whether David Brooks believes in Santa Claus. After all, he repeatedly professes his belief in the serious Mr. Ryan. This faith persists in spite of all the evidence to the opposite, including evidence that Brooks cites in arguing his case....Brooks expects his readers to keep up with the Romney/Ryan game of "hide the ball", asserting (without evidence) that the Romney/Ryan privatization plan will bring about savings and efficiencies not seen in either the private insurance markets or through "Medicare Advantage" because... well, because he says so. Is it theoretically possible? Sure. But experience suggests that its unlikely to work.
Since CBO works for Congress, it does what powerful members of Congress want it to do. Thus it wrote down down the numbers that Mr. Ryan instructed them to write down. However CBO was honest and clearly stated that it had just written down numbers given to it by Mr. Ryan and his staff. Unfortunately David Brooks is either too confused to understand what CBO wrote, or alternatively is deliberately trying to mislead NYT readers into believing that CBO scored a Ryan budget when it did not.
This system would provide a basic health safety net. It would also unleash a process of discovery. If the current Medicare structure proves most efficient, then it would dominate the market. If private insurers proved more efficient, they would dominate. Either way, we would find the best way to control Medicare costs. Either way, the burden for paying for basic health care would fall on the government, not on older Americans. (Much of the Democratic criticism on this point is based on an earlier, obsolete version of the proposal.)That, of course, is nonsense. The Romney/Ryan plan doesn't kick in for a couple of decades, so there's no experimentation - only assumption. If Romney and Ryan truly believed in their plan they would be asserting that it should be implemented immediately. That, right here, right now, private insurance companies should produce plans to complete with Medicare and demonstrate that they can offer superior, innovative plans at a lower cost.
Brooks predictably omits from mention the fact that the Romney/Ryan plan relies upon sleight of hand to "save" money - it caps the growth of the government's contribution toward your Medicare voucher. It's simply dishonest to pretend that the new plan would avoid shifting the burden of healthcare costs onto the elderly - Brooks knows better. That's the fundamental purpose of the proposal - to shift the risk that healthcare inflation will exceed the capped rate of growth for Medicare premiums from the government to the retired worker. If Brooks wants to make the case that the shift of risk is appropriate, he has the column in which to do it, but he has no excuse for misleading his readers about the fact that if Ryan truly believed his plan would bring about efficiencies he wouldn't need to cap premiums and shift the risk of loss to elderly individuals.
As if that's not enough, Brooks lies about the Democratic alternative to the Ryan Plan, which is to tackle healthcare inflation and waste as opposed to capping premium growth and calling it a day.
All of which causes you to look over to the Democrats and wonder: Why don’t they have an alternative? Silently, a voice in your head is pleading with them: Put up or shut up.Certainly you can argue that the measures taken are inadequate, but the ACA is the first real effort to tackle the growth in Medicare spending. But you know what? The Republican party has demagogued against cost-saving measures. When it came to counseling the elderly on end of life issues, they spouted nonsense about "death panels". When it came to attempting to determine the cost-effectiveness of medical procedures in order to reduce unnecessary spending and waste, they demagogued about government bureaucrats deciding what medical treatment you would get. And when a number was placed on the projected savings from eliminating inefficiency they - including Mitt Romney and (brave Sir) Paul Ryan - demagogued about the Obama Administration's "raiding" Medicare.
Dean Baker noted something in Brooks' column that struck me as well,
There is one other issue worth beating up on Brooks for in this piece. At one point he says:I suspect that's part of the back-and-forth between Paul Krugman and David Brooks, in which names are rarely mentioned. It's not that Paul Ryan couldn't pick up his phone and arrange to be interviewed by Paul Krugman, Dean Baker, or any other credible economist who takes issue with his fantasy "budget". It's that he doesn't want to. It's easy to see why Ryan will sit down and chat with somebody like David Brooks, who doesn't understand economics and who he knows will reward that access by supporting the Republican Party position in his columns. But it's just as easy to see why he won't sit down with anybody who would take him and his plan to pieces.
"I have enormous respect for Ryan and I regard most of the commentary I’ve read about him by people who’ve never even interviewed him to be ludicrous."
Huh? What planet is this guy on? It's wonderful that Brooks has had the opportunity to interview Paul Ryan. Most of us will not have that opportunity.
Even as Brooks sings his ballad of Brave Sir Ryan, the lyrics he sings give away the game. Ryan doesn't have the courage to face a worthy foe, or really anybody who is half-way conversant with the facts and willing to push him on the basics - such as why, after two years, can't he articulate the spending cuts necessary to make his "budget" work? Or why reforms supposedly essential to "saving" Medicare are pushed off twenty or so years into the future with no assurance that a future Congress will in fact pursue the plan? Bravest of the brave....
Friday, August 03, 2012
Defensive Medicine and Fear vs. Reality
The [journal Health Affairs] argues that rapid growth [in health spending] was driven partly by powerful non-medical forces: Demanding patients insisted on scans; doctors feared malpractice suits if they refused; and doctors and hospitals wanted to maximize revenues. What explains slower growth is that these incentives weakened....Yet despite less of this expensive testing in cases where it's not needed or where the need is borderline, there has been no increase in malpractice litigation. To the contrary, the number of malpractice lawsuits continues to drop.
One change was the adoption of prior authorization by many private insurers. Doctors usually had to get permission for advanced imaging and, if patients’ conditions didn’t comply with guidelines, explain why. This may have discouraged referrals, because doctors don’t like being overruled. Patients also became less demanding, because deductibles and co-payments rose.
The leading problem with the argument that unnecessary imaging studies were driven by fear of malpractice litigation is that a doctor can only be held liable for malpractice if he violates the governing standard of medical care - a standard defined by doctors, not by lawyers. The conceit is that the additional test might reveal something that did not show up in prior tests, saving the doctor from a "failure to diagnose" claim, but even without the test if the doctor established that he adhered to the governing standard of care the claim would not succeed.
Under the former model implied by Samuelson, the doctor meets with the patient, the doctor either says "This really expensive imaging study is unnecessary and won't help me diagnose your problem," or makes a statement he knows to be misleading, "We need this really expensive test to verify your diagnosis", the patient responds, "I want it anyway", and the doctor goes along with the patient's request.
The first explanation offered for the drop in testing, that insurance companies became more likely to require prior approval and "doctors don’t like being overruled" undermines the notion that fear of malpractice litigation is a significant factor. It is difficult to believe that a doctor who is willing to order medically unnecessary tests on large numbers of patients in order to avoid the tiny chance that one will later file a frivolous lawsuit against him is going to have such a dramatic change of heart, "I'm not even going to mention the additional test because the patient might want it, and then the insurance company might say 'no'."
Further, Samuelson informs us, "Data from one insurance group suggested that about half the MRI slowdown involved lower back, elbow and knee pain." (The article Samuelson references also mentions low-value MRI's of the pelvis.) Lower back pain can be associated with serious medical conditions, but the study distinguishes MRI's "used to diagnose lower back pain" from those ordered when a patient is "considering surgery or physicians strongly suspected systemic disease". But leaving the lower back aside, it's difficult to believe that doctors are ordering large numbers of knee and elbow MRI's as "defensive medicine".
More than that, its unlikely that the doctor is going to know what any given insurance company will or will not approve before his office checks the policy terms and, if necessary, makes the request. It's even less likely that it will be the doctor making the call. Why would a doctor fret if an insurance company says "no" to one of his clerical staff? If the doctor believes that the test is medically necessary, he is likely to fight the insurance company. I've dealt with medical clinics who have a full-time employee whose only job is to push back against insurance companies' efforts to deny or limit care.
The second explanation, speculation that "Patients also became less demanding", seems like a big stretch. If a test is medically necessary, the doctor is going to push the patient to get the test despite the out-of-pocket cost. If your doctor tells you, "You need a $5,000 medical test in order for me to diagnose your condition," even if you're one of the "27 percent" of "workers with deductibles exceeding $1,000", odds are you're going to bite the bullet. Odds are you'll be billed after-the-fact, and you only pay a deductible once. If you're looking at very expensive medical testing odds are that you have an underlying medical condition that is going to take you across that line, anyway.
The concept of "defensive medicine" Samuelson implies would also presuppose a highly informed patient. They see the doctor for diagnosis and treatment. The doctor provides care he believes is appropriate. They then ask, "Shouldn't we also use the [specific expensive medical test or imaging study]?" The reality is, confronted with a non-specific diagnosis or statement by the doctor about a low-probability but high consequence possibility in a differential diagnosis, the patient is likely to ask, "Isn't there anything else we can do," with the doctor identifying the additional test that could be performed.
It's difficult to see how the "defensive medicine" line would have changed. It's unlikely that the doctor who is inclined to order unnecessary testing is fretting, "Oh no, if I mention the test there's a one in four chance that they have a high copay and they might refuse it," or "Oh no, if I mention the test they may have insurance that requires pre-authorization and the request may be denied." If they don't mention the test to the patient they're right where they would be without "practicing defensive medicine" - they can still be accused of not mentioning or ordering the test. If they recommend the test and don't push the patient to fight an insurance company denial or to pay the copay, they are similarly exposed.
If the assumption is that certain doctors will liberally prescribe medically unnecessary tests only if they don't expect to encounter friction - only if they expect an insurance approval, and only if they believe that the patient's contribution to the cost of the test will both be known to the patient in advance and not scare off the patient - then "defensive medicine" really translates into, "I'll order whatever testing I think the insurance company will pay for." There's a madness to that method, as there's always one more test you could order and, frankly, the patients with the best insurance likely fall within the population that is least likely to sue.
It could be hypothesized that the economic changes have forced a learning process on the part of doctors - that frivolous malpractice lawsuits are so rare, ordering unnecessary medical testing has no meaningful impact on whether or not any given doctor gets sued. But then, as Samuelson notes, there's the elephant in the room:
Finally, some reimbursement rates fell. In 2005, Congress mandated that Medicare couldn’t pay free-standing imaging centers — often owned by doctors — more than it paid hospitals for outpatient imaging. This “reduced profits for imaging centers and resulted in extensive consolidation in the industry,” the study said. Under complex reimbursement rules, doctors had incentives to establish imaging centers or install scanning devices in their offices, says Levy. And these imaging centers seemed “particularly active in stimulating demand.”That is, it appears that the leading cause of unnecessary medical imaging, performed at the highest cost, was physician self-referral - sending patients to receive tests at centers owned in whole or in part by the doctor making the referral, with the referring doctor having both the need to keep his imaging center busy and receiving a share of its profits. No, I'm not going to argue that this was a standard practice across the board, and even within the context of self-referral I'll give the majority of doctors the benefit of the doubt, that they referred patients to their own clinics for tests they would have ordered anyway - the difference being much more one of where the test is performed than whether it is ordered. But self-referral has long been identified as one of the leading causes of unnecessary medical testing, a genuine, documented cause of medical inflation.
It is easy to understand why a doctor does not want to be accused of malpractice under any circumstances, and why a doctor would want to avoid being sued even in a context in which he will easily defeat the suit in the early stages of litigation. People who argue that "defensive medicine" plays a large role in the cost of medicine ignore the fact that to the extent that "defensive medicine" exists, it is largely driven by emotion. Were "defensive medicine" is driven by facts, you would expect to see a reduction in low-value medical testing when the rate of malpractice lawsuits drops. Yet the prevalence of low-value testing and the cost of medical care is not correlated to the number of malpractice lawsuits. If doctors believed that certain expensive tests were necessary to avoid potential lawsuits, even if not medically necessary, you would see them pushing patients to pay for the tests and fighting insurance companies to gain approval. Instead you see them deferring to insurance companies or, it would seem, not even mentioning to patients tests that might stretch the patients' pocketbooks.
What you do see through studies such as the one Samuelson describes is that you can reduce the number of low-value tests across the board by changing the economic environment for such testing. That is, whether referrals for low-value testing are driven by a strong desire to diagnose a tricky condition, self-referral and profiteering, or "defensive medicine", there appears to be an across-the-board reduction in the number of such referrals when you change how you compensate doctors for the tests and the amount that patients must contribute in order to obtain the low-value test. Rates of malpractice litigation, damages caps and the like don't matter.
As long as any malpractice lawsuits are allowed, you're going to see doctors express that they fear frivolous lawsuits. History tells us that, short of a grant of absolute immunity, changing the tort system won't affect how doctors practice medicine. (The prior, ugly history of when doctors were all-but-immune from malpractice litigation should not be forgotten.) But, to the extent that defensive medicine even exists, if you can eliminate most or all "defensive medicine" by adjusting financial incentives, it's a peripheral issue - something that can be successfully addressed through indirect, economic reforms. Given that despite years of debate, there's still no consistent definition for or objective measure of what constitutes "defensive medicine", and "tort reform" has had no impact on its supposed practice, focusing on economics seems like the way to go.

